特朗普执政
当前位置:首页>特朗普执政

对习近平和特朗普在北京“碰头”的解读

作者:乔桥   来源:中美印象  已有 591人浏览 字体放大  字体缩小
习近平意味深长的三句话
  | 2017-11-09 22:58:48  参考消息 | 
  9日,美国总统特朗普的“北京时间”进入第二天,世界媒体的目光从故宫博物院移向了人民大会堂。
  根据新华社的报道,今天的活动安排颇为“丰富”:
  上午,习近平在人民大会堂东门外广场为特朗普举行欢迎仪式。随后,两国元首在人民大会堂举行会谈,就中美关系及共同关心的重要国际和地区问题广泛、深入交换意见。
  会谈后,中美元首共同见证了能源、制造业、农业、航空、电气、汽车等领域商业合同和双向投资协议的签署。在特朗普总统访华期间,两国签署的商业合同和双向投资协议总金额超过了2500亿美元。
  在人民大会堂,两国领导人还共同会见了记者、共同出席了中美企业家对话会闭幕式并致辞。
  两天来,中美两国领导人在多个场合的亲切互动,掀起了网络上的讨论热潮。
  小锐注意到,其中,来自中国领导人的三大“金句”,格外触动海内外网友--
  “我们是龙的传人”
  昨天(8日)下午,习近平和夫人彭丽媛陪同特朗普和夫人梅拉尼娅参观故宫博物院。
  当两位领导人谈起古代文明的历史时,习近平向特朗普介绍中国悠久的历史文化传承。他说:“文化没有断过流、始终传承下来的只有中国。我们这些人也延续着黑头发、黄皮肤,我们叫龙的传人。”
  这一句话,获得了无数网友点赞。有人说,主席一句话,令人感到无比自豪和骄傲!
  值得一提的是,习主席的这句话也引发了广大华人网友共鸣
  “不愿成为对方国家逃犯的避罪天堂”
  如果说“我们叫龙的传人”这句话令全球华人热血澎湃,那么,今天习近平主席说的另一句话,则一定会让某些人胆寒。
  习主席的原话是这样讲的:
  “我们同意加强执法及网络安全领域合作。双方重申不愿成为对方国家逃犯的避罪天堂,将责成两国有关部门,积极探讨在追逃追赃、非法移民遣返领域建立长效合作机制。”
  两国元首在今天的会晤中,听取了中美外交安全对话、全面经济对话、社会和人文对话、执法及网络安全对话4个高级别对话机制双方牵头人的汇报,并就深化中美各领域交流合作提出指导性意见。
  习近平指出,执法及网络安全事关两国人民的安全感和幸福感,希望双方围绕追逃追赃、禁毒、非法移民、打击网络犯罪、网络反恐、网络安全保护开展更多合作。
  事实上,就在一个多月前,首轮中美执法及网络安全对话在美国华盛顿举行,这标志着中美元首海湖庄园会晤期间宣布建立的四个高级别对话机制全面启动。
  根据中美双方发布的成果清单,双方在对话期间深入交流反恐、禁毒、打击网络犯罪、追逃追赃等议题,达成广泛共识。
  公安部国际合作局副局长朱宇翔介绍称,在追逃领域,中美双方同意将成立联合工作组,梳理逃犯的情况,共同确定重点案件开展追逃合作。
  10月16日,应美国执法部门请求,中国警方在上海浦东机场将1名美籍红通逃犯移交美方,由美国司法部法警局押解回国。这也是首轮中美执法及网络安全对话结束后,两国执法部门开展追逃追赃合作取得的最新成果。
  “防止中美关系大局受到(台湾问题)干扰”
  并不令人意外的是,今天在北京举行的中美元首会晤,也备受海峡对岸舆论关注。
  有台湾媒体表示,尽管外界认为贸易和朝核问题是会晤的核心议题,但美国前总统奥巴马、小布什和克林顿任内首度访华时,都曾提及了“台湾”。
  在与特朗普会晤中,习近平谈及台湾问题时,句句掷地有声--
  “台湾问题是中美关系中最重要、最敏感的核心问题,也事关中美关系的政治基础。希望美方继续恪守一个中国原则,防止中美关系大局受到干扰。”
  特朗普随即给出了清晰明确的回应。他表示,美国政府坚持奉行一个中国政策。
  中美元首之间的这番互动,令台湾网友感慨良多,不少网友相信,对于妄图破坏两岸关系的人和事,这番话说得足够明白了。
  还有不少台湾网友热切期盼祖国统一,他们看到新闻后纷纷留言写道:“中国祖国加油!”

到中国一天多 川普就让这些人抓耳挠腮了
   | 2017-11-09 17:22:33  环球时报 | 
  自8日下午抵达中国首都北京,美国总统川普的中国之行其实才刚刚结束了一天多的行程。
  然而,在过去的这一天多时间里,川普与中国领导人之间的良性互动,以及川普对于中国最新的一番言论,却已经让境外一些人急得抓耳挠腮、直跺脚骂娘呢…
  这其中情绪最激动的,当属【西方媒体】。
  美国《纽约时报》昨天刊登了一篇奥巴马时期的美国副国务卿撰写的文章,斥责川普对中国太过友善的做法,正导致美国把全球领导者的身份拱手让给中国。
  当然,除了抨击川普,这篇毫无任何新意的稿子还用充满意识形态色彩的描述炒作了一番“中国威胁论”:什么中国的政府和企业不可信啦,什么让中国领导世界会让“自由民主人权”消失啦等等…
  而像美国《华盛顿邮报》这样的媒体,虽然没有《纽约时报》如此露骨的“跺脚骂娘”,却同样在他们关于川普访华的报道中流露出了对于川普没有“对华强硬”的郁闷之情,比如特意强调川普在当上总统前曾经对中国发表过很多“极为强硬”的言论以及中美间存在的 “分歧”…
  值得一提的是,就在川普来到中国之前,《华盛顿邮报》的一位编辑还曾经撰文预测川普此次访华一定会对中国说狠话,并宣称川普已经“回归”了“共和党对华强硬”的传统--可如今一天多过去了,身处中国的川普却没有对中国“开炮”。这,可能也是该报目前同样有点“坐不住了”的原因吧…
  另外,一些其他西方国家的媒体目前也在“绞尽脑汁”想要刺激川普去攻击中国。
  比如英国《卫报》的驻华记者Tom Philips,这两天就专门报道了一个早已被中国检察院提起公诉的涉嫌颠覆国家政权的“律师”的家属,还引用了“臭名昭著”的反华媒体“自x由x亚x洲x电x台”的信息,宣称中国在川普访华期间还在“打压人权”。
  但说实话,耿直哥觉得这些西方媒体想让川普在访华时就立刻对中国“开喷”的急躁情绪,有些太肤浅和幼稚了。反倒是我们中国舆论很清楚,虽然川普过去一天多时间里多次发帖感谢中国对他的盛情款待,甚至还把他推特的封面图换成了一张展现“中美和睦”的图片,但那其实也只是他的客套话乃至一种谈判策略。
  因为作为美国总统的他,终归还是会为了捍卫美国的利益而与中国在聚光灯的背后展开“激烈”的交锋。只不过和之前那些美国总统相比,他在利益问题上更加务实,而不会动不动就把“意识形态”这种【既无法帮助美国复苏,也无法遏制中国崛起】的“虚无玩意儿”挂在嘴边。
  话说,就在耿直哥撰写这篇文章的时候,川普刚刚和中国达成了一个2535亿美元的大单。但荒诞的是,只想看川普骂中国的西方媒体却对此事缺乏兴趣,甚至反而引用了一个完全不了解任何情况的“前墨西哥驻华大使”的说法,称这个大单“只是炒冷饭”罢了。
  不过话说回来,西方媒体这种幼稚表现背后,其实还是美国主流政治精英的焦虑感在作祟。毕竟,几年前当美国国力强盛的时候,他们还可以傲慢地在中国面前挥舞挥舞那根意识形态的大棒,让自己感觉良好;可如今美国却政局混乱,社会撕裂,正在丧失他们在中美关系中原本处在的“强势”地位。然而,这些主流政治精英却不甘心这样的结果,所以他们才希望川普可以在访华时仍然拿出之前他们所有的那种“傲慢与偏见”,好证明美国仍然“不虚”。
  但正如脑子还算清楚的美国“彭博社”在川普访华之前所分析的那样,其实美国现在早已失去强势地位。而且与中国领导人相比,川普自身的政治地位也非常不稳固,这就导致他更得在与中国的交往中采取务实和低调的策略,才能笑着走出中国,进而证明自己。
  最后,当西方媒体还在狭隘地抨击川普和中国时,与咱们中国同属东亚文化的日本媒体,倒是捕捉到了川普此次访华中更多很有深意的细节。
  比如,川普此次在故宫参观的三个大殿都有“和”字,而且两国领导人还共同参与了“古画修复”的活动…
这其中的寓意还不够明显吗?

川习“王见王”,世界聚焦看什么?
  | 2017-11-09 16:57:06  世界日报 | 
  川普总统对中国国事访问,排场盛大、气氛热络。外媒聚焦他和习近平主席的联合声明将对北韩核武危机、美中经贸问题如何妥协表态,同时也关注美中“新型大国关系”能否再确立定位,它攸关习近平19大后声势,而“王见王”会晤,真的是弱势的川普和美国,遇上强势的习近平和中国吗?
  看待美中元首峰会,自然须把两国的国势和实力都放在天秤上衡量。川普治理下的美国,是否真的不如习近平治理下的中国,许多国际媒体近日都以19大集权成功、盛极一时的习近平,和国内民调支持率只剩38%,施政频频遇阻、处处受挫的川普对照,用以衬托美中的此消彼长。“时代周刊”甚至以中英双语在封面打出“中国赢了”的标题,但这种论断准确吗?
  世界两强元首再会面,发生在风云际会的时间点上,确实可能成美中竞比的转捩点。因为习近平19大报告宣示“全方位外交布局深入展开,全面推进中国特色大国外交,形成全方位、多层次、立体化的外交布局”、“促进全球治理体系变革”,说白了,就是在美国主导的价值观之外独树一帜,“提高中国国际影响力、感召力、塑造力,给世界上既希望加快发展又希望保持自身独立性的国家和民族,提供全新选择”,这也是表现中国智慧和中国方案的“野心”。
  川普旋风式造访日韩,风光无限。但实质成果既未达成双边贸易协定,军事同盟关系仍是美国和日韩分别在美日、美韩双边架构下,无法具体化成美日韩三角同盟。北京在川普访韩前与南韩化解“萨德”造成的隔阂,彼此融冰,先发制人胜了一筹。
  就日韩关系看,南韩总统文在寅邀89岁前慰安妇李荣洙坐川普身旁,国宴采用与日本有领土争议的独岛(日本称竹岛)特产海鲜,韩方特别向川普引介,都说明韩日嫌隙并未因川普访问而弭合拉近。对川普政府想推“印太策略”或亚洲版北约,把太平洋联盟扩展至印度洋,让美、日、韩、澳、印度结合抗衡中国,显然出师不利。
  当然,紧接的亚太经合会(APEC)峰会还是重头戏。APEC成员国在美中之间寻求平衡,美国发展被看衰,中国却意气风发的氛围可能贯穿会场。中国藉亚投行、一带一路实利,比美国更易获青睐,美中体制良窳和“美国时代是否结束了”,成为无可迴避的两大议题。
  近日多家国际媒体都参与探讨两个问题。典型看法是复旦大学中国研究院研究员宋鲁郑认为,中国领导人虽没有西式选举,却相对更优秀;美国民主却选出不合格的领导人;中共有如儒家官僚精英集团,有“选”有“举”,虽非个个才德兼备,却都有丰富治理经验;美国政党则成利益组合,常选出毫无治理经验者。如论美中民众观感,福斯新闻民调,高达73%美国人认为川普是反覆无常的恶霸;56%认为川普完全不配总统身分,正在分裂美国。反观中国,87%民众认为中国走在正确方向上,中共支持率长期高达80%以上。两国制度差异和政党特性,决定了竞争前景,而美国不敌中国。
  这个比较有其事实基础,是习近平19大报告表现高度自信的根源,自然影响一些国家,削弱美国领导地位。川普和美国的弱点和拙劣面,相对就是中国和习近平的强项和优点,加深了看衰美国、看好中国的氛围。
  但哈佛大学教授约瑟夫?奈伊(Joseph Nye)有不同观点。着有“美国时代结束了吗?”一书的奈伊,就是软实力概念创始者。他认为,认为衰落的美国正在地缘政治牌局中败给中国是危言耸听,并不正确。美国拥有四张王牌:地理优势、能源、贸易和美元,威力可持续到川普卸任后,而中国这四方面都远远不如,无法克服。宣称“中国治下的和平”(Pax Sinica)来临、美国时代结束者,应考虑这四大因素。他的观点深具启发和说服力,有兴趣者不妨自行挖掘和思考,中国人尤应避免流于盲从和自大。
  川普亚洲行风光,却不能无功而返。他对北韩从疾言厉色,转为释放谈判声音,国安顾问麦马斯特画出“北韩无核化是唯一可接受结果”的底线,朝核最终可能类似伊朗以弃核交换解除经济制裁,并保证金正恩政权安全,甚至给予经援下解决,路还很漫长;而中国如居间建功,交换川普经贸上再让步,美国就难称是赢家。

Trump in Beijing: Smiles mask growing tensions (AXIOS, China, Nov., 12017
  Trump shakes hands with China's President Xi Jinping during a press conference at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing. Photo: Nicolas Asfouri / AFP/Getty Images.
  President Trump has finished his "state visit plus" to China. General Secretary Xi Jinping, now the most powerful Chinese leader in decades, put on a masterful show of pomp and flattery, including the first dinner in the Forbidden City for a foreign leader since 1949. President Trump returned the flattery, as you would expect a guest to do.
  Our thought: Pomp and flattery aside, it is not so clear that Xi played Trump. The administration has a good team of China people. Trump may return to the U.S. and, barring a real breakthrough over the North Korea issue, begin rolling out a tougher policy towards China, especially on trade. Trump has been consistent for decades in his criticism of China and its trade practices, so the last 10 months of relative calm in the U.S.-China relationship seem more an anomaly than the status quo.
  The leaders made a big show of announcing $250 billion in deals, but some, including Boeing's $37 billion plane order, were repackaged from deals already announced, while others are MOUs that may never come to fruition. The Chinese are always happy to announce big deals during presidential visits as they are flashy, often non-binding, and do nothing to address the structural barriers.
  Sources told me before the trip that the administration's approach to the structural issues was going to be "you know what you need to do" rather than a set of specific asks. Trump delivered that message in his private meetings, and in his public comments on the trade deficit he credited the Chinese and blamed his predecessors:
  "Both the United States and China will have a more prosperous future if we can achieve a level economic playing field. Right now, unfortunately, it is a very one-sided and unfair one. But - but I don't blame China. (Applause.) After all, who can blame a country for being able to take advantage of another country for the benefit of its citizens? I give China great credit"
  "But, in actuality, I do blame past administrations for allowing this out-of-control trade deficit to take place and to grow. We have to fix this because it just doesn't work for our great American companies, and it doesn't work for our great American workers. It is just not sustainable. I look forward to working toward that goal and to pursuing fair and lasting engagement."
  There was no announced progress on North Korea, just a reiteration that both countries want "a complete, verifiable, and permanent denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula".
  Bottom line: Xi is also not stupid and while he prefers a constructive relationship with the U.S., the Chinese are prepared for and in fact are expecting more friction with the U.S.

Mr. Trump Goes to China (CFR, Nov. 6. 2017)
     RICHARD N. HAASS
  North Korea will dominate the conversation between Donald Trump and Xi Jinping, in large part because Trump is counting on China to rein in its wayward client state. But he will likely come away disappointed, because China's leaders will seek to avoid difficult decisions in the short run, even at the cost of damaging outcomes over time.
  NEW YORK - US President Donald Trump is spending nearly two weeks in Asia, visiting Japan, South Korea, China, Vietnam, and the Philippines. Putting China at the center of the trip makes sense, because it constitutes the most important stop in both strategic and economic terms.
   North Korea will dominate much of the conversation when Trump is in China, in large part because he is counting on Chinese leaders to solve the North Korea problem for the United States. This approach is understandable, because the bulk of North Korea's trade transits Chinese territory, and China could exert enormous pressure on the North if it so chose.
  But Trump will likely come away disappointed. China will resist deploying its full leverage, lest it undermine North Korea's stability and end up worse off as a result. The irony and potential tragedy of China's position is that allowing North Korea to increase and improve its nuclear and missile arsenals could fuel momentum toward war, or lead South Korea, Japan, or both to reconsider their non-nuclear postures. Any of these outcomes would be inconsistent with Chinese strategic interests; but, like many governments, China's leaders will seek to avoid difficult decisions in the short run, even if this results in damaging outcomes over time.
  The North Korea problem is but one of many on the Sino-US agenda, which includes other geopolitical matters (most notably, the situation in the South China Sea and the status of Taiwan). There are also economic issues that need to be addressed, such as China's failure to respect intellectual property, its large government subsidies to export-oriented firms, its restriction of access to its market, and its efforts to require foreign firms doing business in China to transfer advanced technology to Chinese firms.
  The list of issues dividing these two important and powerful countries is thus long and difficult, reinforcing the pessimism of those who predict that the bilateral relationship will continue to sour. One of the arguments that the pessimists marshal is the historical pattern whereby rising and established powers tend to end up competing with one another, or even fighting.
  One recent book, by the Harvard political scientist Graham Allison, focuses on the so-called “Thucydides Trap,” named for the ancient Greek historian who chronicled the competitive relationship that ultimately produced the Peloponnesian War between a rising Athens and Sparta, the superpower of its day. Allison portrays China and the US in these roles, and calls his book Destined for War.
  Such predictions are unwarranted. They discount the dampening effect of nuclear weapons, which for more than four decades helped keep the Cold War between the US and the Soviet Union from turning hot. They also overlook the ability of the US and China to finesse their disagreement over Taiwan. Diplomacy can and will matter; little is inevitable in international relations.
  Indeed, the US and China have managed to keep their ties on a relatively even keel, despite the disappearance of the original rationale for their relationship - shared antipathy toward the Soviet Union - when the Cold War ended a quarter-century ago. The extensive economic relationship that has evolved since then has given both countries a stake in maintaining good relations. And, given China's need for external stability to pursue economic development, its leaders have acted with considerable restraint.
  Still, the pessimists' concerns cannot be dismissed. After all, countries often fail to act in their own self-interest, or events simply spin out of control. For example, Chinese leaders may be tempted to act more assertively to placate public opinion amid a slowing economy, and to take advantage of opportunities created by a US that has retreated from regional trade accords.
  The stakes are high, as the history of the twenty-first century will be affected in no small part by the character of the Sino-American relationship. Trump, who vacillates between tough criticism of China over trade and encomiums to President Xi Jinping, will have to balance pressing his legitimate concerns over trade with the need to avoid starting a trade war. And Xi will have to judge what he can give to satisfy his American visitor without jeopardizing his or the Party's standing in the eyes of the Chinese people.
  North Korea, though, will be the biggest test. Trump and Xi must find a way to defuse the looming crisis on the Korean Peninsula - or manage the consequences should diplomacy fail and war erupt. In the latter scenario, it would be essential that a second Korean War not lead to direct US-Chinese combat, as the first one did. And cooperation would be essential to maintain control over North Korea's nuclear materials. All of this will require deft diplomacy. Trump and Xi, one sincerely hopes, will soon be laying the groundwork for it.



发布时间:2017年11月11日 来源时间:2017年11月11日
分享到:

留 言

网友留言为中美印象网网友个人的看法和感受,不代表本站观点

特朗普执政
杂志MAGAZINE
  • 美国有反华阴谋吗?《研究报告》 VOL3.
  • 一带一路与中国国际关系《研究报告》 VOL2.
  • 中美关系的临界点已近在眼前《研究报告》 VOL1.
  • 2014年1月 总第2期US-CHINA PERCEPTION MONITOR .
  • 2013年8月 总第1期US-CHINA PERCEPTION MONITOR .
微博WEIBO

中美印象
官方微信